Monday, January 12, 2015
BJP projected to win 34-40 seats in Delhi: India Today-Cicero opinion poll
Thursday, December 25, 2014
Who are the Yazidis and why is Isis hunting them?
Sunday, December 21, 2014
BJP all set to form govt. in Delhi, says India Today-Ciesaro Opinion poll
New Delhi: It seems as if the people of Delhi are in no mood to give Arvind Kejriwal led Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) a second chance. This is revealed in a India Today- Ciesaro Opinion poll. According to it BJP with 39% of votes will get anything between 34 to 40 seats in the 70-member Assembly.
Tuesday, September 9, 2014
ISIS vs. AL QAEDA: Which is more dangerous?
Wednesday, December 25, 2013
Why Aam Aadmi Party government in Delhi may have a long life
Friday, September 28, 2012
THE MYTHS OF MUSLIM RAGE

Joseph Anton is Rushdie’s account of the fatwa and the years that followed. So, what does the battle over The Satanic Verses tell us about the current controversy over The Innocence of Muslims?
The Rushdie affair is shrouded in a number of myths that have obscured its real meaning. The first myth is that the confrontation over The Satanic Verses was primarily a religious conflict. It wasn’t. It was first and foremost a political tussle. The novel became a weapon in the struggle by Islamists with each other, with secularists and with the West. The campaign began in India where hardline Islamist groups whipped up anger against Rushdie’s supposed blasphemies to win concessions from politicians nervous about an upcoming general election and fearful of alienating any section of the Muslim community. The book subsequently became an issue in Britain, a weapon in faction fights between various Islamic groups.
Most important was the struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran for supremacy in the Islamic world. From the 1970s onwards Saudi Arabia had used oil money to fund Salafi organisations and mosques worldwide to cement its position as spokesman for the umma. Then came the Iranian Revolution of 1979 that overthrew the Shah, established an Islamic republic, made Tehran the capital of Muslim radicalism, and Ayatollah Khomeini its spiritual leader, and posed a direct challenge to Riyadh. The battle over Rushdie’s novel became a key part of that conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Saudi Arabia made the initial running, funding the campaign against the novel. The fatwa was an attempt by Iran to wrestle back the initiative. The campaign against The Satanic Verses was not a noble attempt to defend the dignity of Muslims, nor even a theological campaign to protect religious values. It was part of a sordid political battle to promote particular sectarian interests.
The second myth is that most Muslims were offended by the novel. They weren’t. Until the fatwa, the campaign against The Satanic Verses was largely confined to the subcontinent and Britain. Aside from the involvement of Saudi Arabia, there was little enthusiasm for a campaign against the novel in the Arab world or in Turkey, or among Muslim communities in France or Germany. When Saudi Arabia tried at the end of 1988 to get the novel banned in Muslim countries few responded – not even Iran. It was that fatwa, imposed for political reasons, that transformed the controversy and the confrontation.
The biggest myth of the Rushdie affair is the belief that best way to prevent such confrontations is by restricting what people are able to say to or about each other. In the battle over The Satanic Verses, many intellectuals and politicians sympathized with Muslim anger, blaming Rushdie himself for his plight. ‘There is no law in life or nature’, the novelist John Le Carré insisted, ‘that that says great religions may be insulted with impunity’. ‘We have known in our own religion people doing things which are deeply offensive to some of us’, Margaret Thatcher observed. ‘And this is what has happened to Islam’. After riots in Islamabad, the American embassy there expressed its ‘wish to emphasize that the US government in no way associates itself with any activity that is any sense offensive or insulting to Islam or any other religion’. It became accepted in the post-Rushdie world that it is morally wrong to give offence to other cultures and that in a plural society speech must necessarily be less free.
These myths about the Rushdie affair have shaped responses to every similar conflict since. Every one is being reproduced in the current debate about Innocence of Muslims: the belief that violence is being driven by religious sensibilities, that all Muslims are incensed, and that Muslim anger is reason for new restrictions on free speech.
The insurrections that have transformed much the Arab world over the past year have certainly created a new terrain. They have undermined old security structures, created a greater sense of social fragmentation, and opened up new spaces for Islamist politics. What has really changed, however, is that over the past decade political rage has become far more inchoate and increasingly shorn of political content. To be ‘anti-Western’ used to mean to take a political stand against Western policy. Now, it simply expresses an unformed sense of fury, leading to a random, frenzied outpouring of anger. The nihilistic character of anti-Western sentiment today means that it can attach itself to the most arbitrary of causes. Even an obscure YouTube video can seemingly launch worldwide protests.
While the hardline Islamists have managed to bring out thousands of people on to the streets in violent protest, there is little to suggest that the majority of Muslims, even in Egypt, Libya or Pakistan support them. Indeed, hardliners are only forced into organizing such demonstrations because of their lack of popular support. Those who do not support the Islamists do not take to the streets, so are generally ignored in the West. The reactionaries come to be seen as the true voice of Muslim communities. At the same time the perception that the violent mobs are representative of Muslim feeling has lent support to calls for offensive works such as The Innocence of Muslims to be made illegal and, in this case, for the film maker to be arrested.
At the height of the battle against The Satanic Verses Shabbir Akhtar, the Muslim philosopher who acted as a spokesman for the anti-Rushdie campaign, mocked the equivocations of Western liberals. ‘Vulnerability’, he wrote, ‘is never the best proof of strength’. The more you cave in to those who would censor, the more they wish to censor. And the more you seek to appease the hardliners, and view them as the ‘real’ Muslims, the more you marginalise progressive movements in the Muslim world. The myths enshrouding the Rushdie affair have ensured that the lessons we have drawn from the battle over The Satanic Verses are the very opposite of the ones we should have learnt.
Courtsey:
Wednesday, September 5, 2012
How Praful Patel killed Air India!
Source: ET
Friday, August 31, 2012
Sanjiv Bhatt's open letter to Narendra Modi

I hope and pray to God that you get the time, wisdom and opportunity to find honest and truthful answers to some of these questions during this lifetime.
Tuesday, March 27, 2012
Is China better at capitalism than America?

The 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union seemingly put to rest any doubts about the supremacy of America's capitalist system. Guided by the magic hand of the market, the U.S. had created more prosperity than any other country in history, while the Soviet system crumbled under the weight of its creaky, bureaucratic machine. But the subsequent rise of China, whose economy combines aspects of capitalism and central planning, has thrust the U.S. model under new scrutiny. While Uncle Sam continues to limp his way out of the Great Recession, China has hardly broken its stride. Is China's brand of capitalism simply better than America's?
Yes. China is winning the future: China is smoking us, says Zachary Karabell at The Daily Beast. Both the U.S. and China engage in a lot of government spending, but China puts its money into infrastructure, transportation, alternate energy, and housing, all of which "will yield long-term benefits for the Chinese economy." The U.S., on the other hand, spends on "consumption, safety nets, and the military," which comprise a shakier foundation for economic growth. The "sclerotic inability" of the U.S. government to "productively invest for the common future" is the reason why its "form of capitalism has ceased to fulfill hopes, dreams, and needs of far too many people."
"China's not the big trade cheat harming America's domestic economy"
Nonsense. China's system is a pale imitation of ours: It's fashionable to proclaim that China "is eating our lunch," says Ian Bremmer at Reuters, but it's all "baloney." Just look at the way Chinese manufacturers "copycat everything foreign, from cars to watches to iPhones to social networks." The Chinese system will never "foster the entrepreneurial spirit" that makes these innovations possible, because the drearily unimaginative state is the "majority owner" of the economy. China has been able to "shoehorn a crude version of a beautiful financial system into its state-controlled economy and get some good results." But it will never be able to replicate the breakthroughs that are the hallmarks of a true free-market system.
"Chinese capitalism is just another knockoff"
Either way, the U.S. can learn from China: At every turn, America sees "ideological hang-ups standing in the way of what everyone realizes must get done" in investment and education, says Michael Schuman at TIME. In that sense, we could learn a lot from China, which dispassionately puts "pragmatism and problem solving over ideology." That's the Chinese model America should adopt: "Dropping the political bickering and ideological grandstanding and doing whatever is necessary to create prosperity."